Post-Partisanship: The Twenty-First Century’s Political Red Herring

by Scott H. Payne on January 28, 2009

I read with great interest Kyle’s excellent post on partisanship wherein Kyle made some excellent points about the political process, its strengths and its faults. In that post, Kyle talked about his hopes around the election of Barack Obama saying,

I too am a partisan, and on rare occasions I could be viciously so.  But at the same time my approach to politics would suggest an eagerness for post partisanship that is echoed by my long time support of the newly minted President of the United States.  I am a lefty, but for two years I have been a staunch supporter of the single candidate who succeeded most in making post-partisanship one of the defining themes of his campaign.

Admittedly, I too was drawn in by Obama’s talk of post-partisanship, it formed much of my basis for support early on. But further consideration of a variety of issues and the future of political discourse in general has left me somewhat doubtful about post-partisanship as a likely phenomenon.

When we talk about post-partisanship, the indication is that we’re talking about a point in time at which we’ll get beyond partisanship. The problem here is that partisanship isn’t a temporally located phenomenon. Granted, various ideologies arise in specific time periods and may or may not undergo a process of evolution, but the perspectival interrelationships of those ideologies that give rise to a partisanship persist so long as there are contrasting points of view available. In other words, so long as there are different perspectives that people can take on a variety of issues and so long as those perspectives are roughly represented by some kind of ideological housing, we are likely to see the rise of partisanship. Given that it seems highly unlikely that all of the disagreements we have in the process of perpetuating political discourse will evaporate, it begins to look increasingly likely that post-partisanship is a conceptual misnomer.

One step further, as Kyle points out, we actually benefit from having contrasting points of view expressed on various topics. The veracity of our decisions is greatly bolstered when we’ve had a healthy debate on the issue at hand in which people of contrasting points of view have challenged one another on the strengths and weaknesses of each others’ claims. How else are we  to identify ideological blind spots and uncover previously unnoticed implications from various ideas? It seems fairly clear from the functioning of most modern polities that sincere and passionate debate is an intrinsic ingredient to the health of democracy.

And yet, one can’t escape the feeling that something is amiss in our political discourse. Moreover, much of the stagnation of government actually demonstrably belies the accuracy of that feeling. But if post-partisanship is a misnomer, then what is it we seek to remedy our perceived failings?

I would suggest that rather than post-partisanship, what we really seek is right relation of our partisan tendencies. Or, to put it as Kyle suggested, we seek some kind of guiding orientation towards the “good side of partisanship”, we want partisanship that works in a productive manner.

Right relationship of partisan tendencies is born out of a respect for the elements of an issue that a particular ideological perspective is best able to hit upon and articulate.  Liberals, conservatives, progressives, and libertarians all emphasize different elements of different issues precisely because there is generally something important about the element that each grasps on to as its “first principle” on that front. In the articulation of first principles; however, we often become so identified with our own particular articulation and, perhaps even more overtly, the group identity we take on and draw strength from in locating others who agree with us, that we generate rhetorical blinders to the elements of issue that other perspectives/ideologies identify and articulate. This calcification, it seems evident, can become so set in as to result in not just failing to notice the particular elements of an issue that ideologically opposed interlocutors point out, but rather denying the existence of those elements altogether.

What we seem to be fighting then, is the calcifying tendencies of partisanship. How we do that is not to strive towards some point in time where partisanship no longer exists, but rather to cultivate a greater dexterity in our partisan maneuvering. Which is to say that right relationship of partisanship requires participants who not only steel against the calcification of their own necessarily perspectival take on a particular issue, but who also consciously seek out the articulation of other perspectives and then apply a certain adeptness at “seeing” what those articulations are describing. In other words, right relationship of partisanship is an orienting political disposition that seeks to utilize the differing perspectives of as many different ideologies as possible to get the most comprehensive picture of a given issue possible.

Now, of course, there arises the question about whose take on a particular issues highlights the most salient elements, and thus can be considered the most correct (allowing that each perspective hits upon some valuable element of the issue at hand). Given that we don’t have some sort of removed omnipresent political being to settle these sorts of questions for us, we rely again on the good faith debate that ensues as each political participant seeks to find the right relationship of partisanship on the particular issue. Which is to say that we battle it out in good old fashioned terms, which helps to elucidate why notions of post-partisanship are unhelpful — if we have no partisanship we lose an important element of the determination process on our various truth claims.

The most important component of that debate, at least in my mind, is the quality of it being in good faith. That is to say that the debate has to happen with a modicum of respect underwriting the whole endeavour. This, I think, is where we start to really drill down on the challenges we currently face. Not only do we tend to calcify into our preferred ideological corners, but as we do we cease to acknowledge the subjective components our own perspective on the world that lead us to those corners. We reify our ideologies and take them to be unassailably correct in all ways and means, objectively, and so cease to put forward ideas for discussion and rather assume the ideas we hold to already be true and set out in search of facts to back those ideas up. Anyone who seeks differing facts is therefore out of touch with reality and deserving of derision. We lack respect for one another’s perspectives because we’ve forgotten what our postmodern friends worked so hard to show us: they are perspectives. We also conveniently assume that there are objective facts that will back up our claims, forgetting that often times the “facts” are actually quite contradictory and their efficacy depend greatly on how we choose to interpret them, or if we choose to acknowledge the at all (that “fact” doesn’t back up my claim so it must not be true, ergo not a fact, ergo not really real).

But if we bear in mind what many identify as the key postmodern insight — that we inevitably take a particular perspective on the world — then we are able to cultivate a certain looseness to our own belief systems and offer a greater degree of respect to our interlocutors and engage in a debate that seeks to use the vantage points of other’s perspectives to better inform our own limited, but valuable take on things. We must, as Freddie warns, save ourselves from “men who know everything”, most notably when those men/women are ourselves.

In this way I’m not necessarily slipping into some kind of relativistic malaise where everything is simply a case of personal preference. Rather, I’m acknowledging that we only ever have access in a first-hand way to our own perspective on an issue and must communicate with others to gain at least a conceptual — and in some cases emotional — understanding that pushes beyond the walls of our own experience. We better enable ourselves to do this by embracing a respect for the elements of an issue that our so-called opponents present (and thereby our opponents themselves, insofar as we tend to co-identify our opponents and their ideas/perspectives), which means a certain dexterity as regards our own perspectives and the articulation of other perspectives and what they reveal.

Elusive as the above described process might seem, it strikes me as eminently more practical than the utopian ideal of post-partisanship. And insofar as post-partisanship often euphemistically translates into, “At some point everyone who disagrees with me will realize they’re wrong and we can all finally get along,” I am inclined to see such efforts not just as lacking practicality, but swerving into some kind of sugar-coated fascism.

So throw that red herring to the side and let’s duke it out like old friends do.

{ 7 comments }

1 Kyle E. Moore January 28, 2009 at 4:46 am

I wanted to make I suppose an emphasis to this great post. Early on you posit that in order for good partisanship to occur, all sides have to do so respecting essentially the multiple facets of an issue, and appreciate what people outside of one’s own ideology can bring to that discussion.

I would like to emphasize a slightly different angle because I think it’s a little more important. You talk about it, but in sort of a roundabout way. Positive partisanship comes from willfully recognizing that one’s own ideology can be wrong.

This is a much more difficult step than respecting others; respecting others merely requires that you cede they not be necessarily wrong all the time. Understanding (and I don’t mean in the superficial we’re all human and make mistakes way) that our own ideas can be flawed and wrong is ultimately much more difficult.

Why? Because they’re our ideas. My ideas are, well, my ideas. I have them because I think they are right and further, I don’t think I’m an idiot. If I didn’t think my ideas were right, I would get different ideas, or at least ditch the ones that I have in favor of general neutrality. But, if I hold tight to one of my ideas, and it turns out that that idea is wrong, that ultimately means that I am flawed.

It’s a harsh judgement, especially in a hubris riddled realm such as politics, but risking that judgement I think is a necessity in creating an arena of truly beneficial partisanship.

2 Mark Thompson January 28, 2009 at 3:21 pm

Scott, you magnificent bastard! This post is exactly why we started this site….I’ve been writing about this general issue for about a year, but this post has done more to focus my understanding of the issue than a year’s worth of work. Now, I just have to find time to put together a worthy follow-up (and find a way of adding a lawyer’s perspective to our SSM series).

3 Scott H. Payne January 28, 2009 at 3:32 pm

Kyle, thanks for putting some more explicit emphasis on that point. It did serve to underwrite much of my argument about respect because I think respecting others’ points of view and holding your own belief structure somewhat loosely are linked in significant ways, but much of the work it did was in the background.

A follow up question is how do we keep ourselves nimble around the limitations of our own perspectives?

Mark, heh, glad you liked the post. It was bubbling for a while and then sort of burst forth last night. Look forward o your follow up, as always.

4 Kyle E. Moore January 28, 2009 at 4:10 pm

That’s a tougher question, Scott. It’s relatively easy for me because I’m a neurotic with severe confidence problems and an aversion to responsibility. My hubris borders on narcissistic conceit right up until the ideas that serve as the foundation of that hubris are put to the test at which point it all crumbles down.

But I think there are two very important points that people should keep in mind.

1) Faith is a strong thing, but the world we live in relies more on empirical data and real world accounting than faith. That is to say that ideology is often treated with the same kind of zealous devotion as religion is. In religion and faith, belief is often enough and the dogma will carry you the rest of the way. But with policy, an unending supply of faith does not guarantee the preferred outcome.

Like the quote regarding the US occupation of Iraq; “Failure may not be an option, but it damn well may be the outcome.”

The first step to putting things in the right perspective is understanding that there are such things as right answers and wrong answers. They are usually complex, and there are multiple examples of each for any situation, but at the end of the day we have to come to the understanding that the results can prove or disprove a theory, and that a theory should not be maintained on mere faith alone.

2) We also have to understand that the world is an ever changing place, and that what may have failed in the past could work in the future and vice versa. True, those who do not study history are doomed to repeat it, but it’s also true that people make false analogies out of history, and fail to come to grips with the fact that just because you can draw a few parallels between what’s happening now and what happened eighty years ago doesn’t mean that the two events are exactly the same.

I say this because one of the ways in which followers of one ideology like to shut down an opposing ideology is by saying, “Well, liberalism has already failed,” or “Conservatism has already been proven wrong,” and then citing examples.

This may seem contradictory to my first point, but in reality it’s not. We can say that torture is bad, why? Because historically it doesn’t work, and there’s a lot of data to back this up, and besides it’s sort of not in keeping with the principles of this country. There are both clear moral and empirical factors to back up the assertion that torture is a failed policy.

But let’s look at the economic situation we have here. The hardest of the hard core idealogues are running each other over the coals as there is this great debate over how to pull ourselves out of the fire. Interestingly enough, both sides dismiss the other by claiming that somewhere through history each others’ ideological solutions have already failed. Some will cite the Depression, others will go as recently as the Bush Administration.

What they all fail to recognize is that this specific moment in which we inhabit is not something that is 100% reproducable throughout the rest of our history. There are significant difference, from the internet to the rules of the economic road that make this problem unique from the past.

As such, we have to take into account the fact that while some things in the past have worked, and others haven’t, it’s important to understand and apply that data, but it’s also important to understand that historical data cannot be seen as a categorical filter of ideas.

And perhaps a third and final point. Everyone in politics is so preoccupied in pushing their own agenda I wonder if anyone asks themselves the simple question, “what could go wrong?” The best way to strengthen one’s own ideas and arguments is to poke holes in them and then try to plug the leaks. So perhaps we would all be better if we treated our own approaches and solutions with the heavy skepticism that our critics apply, and if nothing else that could grant us the humility necessary to recognize that some people will have the answers we don’t.

5 Mark Thompson January 28, 2009 at 4:20 pm

Excellent comment, Kyle – this is giving me even more to think about for my eventual response. I don’t think anyone would object if you were to repost that comment as a full post unto itself.

6 E.D. Kain January 28, 2009 at 5:17 pm

Mark, Kyle–indeed, I would say for the purposes of this site you actually should re-post as an actual post rather than a comment…but it’s obviously up to you…

7 Kyle E. Moore January 28, 2009 at 6:32 pm

Fair enough, I’ll do it later tonight when I get to the office.

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