Canadian Election Follow Up: Afghanistan

by Scott H. Payne on September 21, 2009

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As mentioned in the open thread on issues that should be discussed if a federal election were to be called in the foreseeable future, one issue that is an obvious trigger is Canada’s role in Afghanistan. In fleshing this issue out  a bit, I responded to commenter Katherine’s suggestions,

[F]oreign policy: particularly what to do in Afghanistan, how we can influence US strategy there and whether we should leave if strategy doesn’t improve (poppy eradication, for example), the function and usefulness of peacekeeping and Canada’s role in it, increases to foreign aid (0.7% of GDP), and opposition to nations and international organizations trying to dictate economic policy to the Third World.

I offered,

What about a foreign policy discussion on reviving Canada’s role as an honest go-to global leader in terms of peace keeping rather than an arm of US foreign policy? Think Harper’d dig that one?

Johnathan from Canned Good and Ammunition and The Politic countered,

Scott, I’d rather this wasn’t such a binary formulation. I, generally, support a muscular, interventionist, liberal foreign policy. Working for the U.S. doesn’t fall under that (though working with the U.S. might), but the idea of simply being peacekeepers as an homage to an old “Canadian Heritage Moment” vignette isn’t, necessarily, better.

I think Johnathan’s resistance to my binary formulation is fair. More than anything I was trying to narrow and frame the options for debate presented by Katherine and get a little something going in terms of debate.

I do; however, think that there is a real discussion to be had about the relationship between Canadian foreign policy and US foreign policy and that we can’t just shrug the perception that there is a sense in which Harper has become beholden to decisions in Washington as rhetoric or too binary.

As indicated by a poll conducted by Strategic Counsel and reported on by the Globe and Mail indicated, Canadians as a whole feel pretty strongly about this issue,

The Canadian public’s alienation from Washington came out when pollsters asked what they thought was the biggest influence on Canadian foreign policy. The largest number, 25 per cent, said it was Canada’s relationship with Washington. But when asked what should be the biggest influence, just 5 per cent said the U.S. relationship.

Canadians seem to feel that Ottawa is far too beholden to Washington, something that Mr. Harper’s Conservative government will have to remember as it tries to repair relations strained under the previous Liberal government.

In the poll, 39 per cent said that Canadian foreign policy was less independent than it was 50 years ago, in Mr. Pearson’s day, while 25 per cent said it was more independent and 27 per cent said it was about the same.

Peter Donolo, a Strategic Counsel partner and onetime spokesman for the government of former prime minister Jean Chrétien, said it would be wrong to say the poll reflected “rabid or virulent anti-Americanism.”

“I think it’s fairer to say there’s a deep suspicion of U.S. foreign policy currently and a sense that Canada is tracking too closely to it.”

So it’s not just snark on my part to say that a real and substantial debate about foreign policy needs to incorporate an element about how one might forumlate a Canadian policy moving forward that garners trust from Canadians about its independence.

Further, to Jon’s point about my formulation about peacekeeping being a throw back to a Heritage Canada vingette I would offer that there are real reasons why I placed my question in that context.  If one looks at the numbers for the predominant military operation in which Canada has been engaged for the past seven years, Afghanistan, there is a drooping support (or burgeoning opposition, if you’d prefer) for what, I think it is fair to say, is the “muscular, liberal interventionism” to which Johnthan indicates he prescribes.

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Those numbers are relatively steady from a year ago, when public support was described as being at its “lowest ever”, and one can see that this trend has been tracking pretty steadily both in terms of articulated “support” and “opposition”  since Canada’s decision to become involved,

ekospoll-1

My point in all of this is that there isn’t the kind of public environment to articulate a discussion on foreign policy in the terms that Johnathan seems insistent on doing. The result one is likely to see is a fairly strong reaction that ultimately, I would offer, ends the debate at something short of a meaningful conclusion.

If, then, we are to have any sort of productive discussion about Canadian foreign policy over the coming years, assuming, as it seems relatively safe to do, that support for any kind of “muscular interventionism” continues to fall, then we are going to need to find a different, more palatable means of articulating what we’re talking about. Unless, of course, what we’re talking about is shift back to isolationism.

Insofar as I remain unconvinced about the ultimate benefits of an isolationist stance (though, I’m not wholly convinced that such a move would be a bad thing for Americans to consider — but that’s y’alls discussion to have), I find myself, therefore, compelled to look at ways of having the discussion that are likely to produce the greatest degree of constructive outcome.

Hence my formulation.

Look, we’re going to have this discussion the next time we have an election, about that I am almost 100% confident. So the question with which I think we need to grapple is not whether we have the discussion, but rather how we have the conversation.

To my mind, given our sense of being beholden and largely bereft of real national leadership, an avenue that both roots us in a past of which we are proud (a global role as peacekeepers) and provides a space for a discussion about a distinctive and independent future is one possible option that certainly contains enough of a break within its parameters such that there is a potential for a meaningful outcome, if not, to borrow from John McLaughlin, a “metaphysical certainty”.

Now, North may well be correct when he says,

Canadians would love to have that prestige again. But they don’t want to pay for it.

But what is that Einstein quote about insanity? Right…

{ 4 comments }

1 North September 21, 2009 at 1:20 pm

I’m guessing the quote is: “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.”? If so I think I’m missing your point but lord knows I appreciate the mention, especially in the same post as the estimable Katherine.

While my original statement is succinct and (I believe) accurate I’d like to explore it a little.
-Obviously things have changed a lot from the era of our Heritage Moment peacekeeping exercises but one thing I think has changed is that there’s a greater grasp of economics and an understanding among the people that more guns necessarily means less butter. Along with that is an expectation of things from government that perhaps the Canadians of yore were not so worried about (quality of healthcare perhaps?) and that fosters a sense that things on the home front are not in such good order that the country can afford to spend on peacekeepers.
-I think something else that has changed is Canadians view towards authority; specifically the authority involved in peacekeeping. The UN has not fared well image wise in the last decade or so. Really ever since the Soviets went up in a little puff of pink smoke it’s been in decline. When the specter of world annihilation loomed it was good to know there was some sort of arbiter trying to keep the behemoths in balance but with one behemoth gone and the other one busy examining its’ navel and looking foolish you don’t feel the same fondness for the UN. Particularly with the vagaries of it’s’ plutocracies inflicting such spectacle as tin pot dictatorships screeching from the chair of the human rights commission and similar such nonsense. The UN isn’t as pretty as it used to be and in conjunction with this point…
-Peacekeeping doesn’t have the image it used to have. Things just aren’t as black and white as they used to be and our fond heritage moments predated the incidences that made peacekeeping look impotent (Rwanda) or negligent or (to mention our own specific Canadian Somalia embarrassment) flat out criminal. Not to mention intervention is generally often viewed by the left now days as imperialist and of course the right never wanted anything to do with it.
-Did I mention expensive? And you can’t really do it on the cheep either, for instance we don’t look very heroic having to bum rides from other nations (The US especially) to get our people to their missions. But can you imagine what it would cost to get that kind of global force projection ability?

2 Katherine September 21, 2009 at 6:27 pm

While the recession continues, cost will probably be a factor, but I don’t think it’s the main impediment to a change in foreign policy. I agree with North that many Canadians have become increasingly disillusioned with the UN and what it’s capable of: it failed in Rwanda and was ineffective in the former Yugoslavia. Peacekeeping has also become difficult since people both in Canada and other countries don’t view it in the same light as military missions: as soon as anyone dies or there is serious danger, they prefer to pull out (eg, Rwanda), but those situations are exactly the ones where peacekeepers are needed..

The second impediment to a policy change is the current selection of Canadian politicians. Harper is determined to be in lockstep with US policy insofar as he can be; Ignatieff is from the US, thoroughly supportive of American “muscular interventionism”, and in general more pro-US than any recent Liberal Prime Minister.

What I’d like to see – but do not in any way expect – is for Canada to become in a broader way an advocate for the developing world on issues of foreign aid, debt cancellation, equitable trade relationships, and opposition to IMF and World Bank policies that even many former employees of those organizations admit damage developing nations and are counterproductive. This general strategy could also include peacekeeping missions – for example, in areas like the “Democratic Republic” of Congo, Liberia, and other African nations facing internal strife (as things stand, I don’t think anyone can actually go into Darfur without declaring war on the government of Sudan; and I think that would turn into another Iraq), but it wouldn’t be a stand-alone part of the policy. I feel strongly about this: we can save ten thousand people from malaria or unsafe drinking water at a small fraction of the price of intervening in a war, so I’d prefer the former to be a priority. Military resources that aren’t being used in peacekeeping missions should be devoted to backing our claim to the North and the Northwest Passage.

This would set Canada apart from the rest of the G8, win us friends in the world, and, as leaders of developed nations are generally taken more seriously by other developed nations than third-world government are, attract more mainstream attention to those issues. Unlike the US, Canada isn’t large enough to lead by pressure and force, so it’s best that we find ways to lead by example.

Of course, there’s no way this is happening; this is more a “what would I do if I was Prime Minister” post than an examination of the possible.

3 Jonathan September 21, 2009 at 8:45 pm

Hi Scott,

First off, right now I’m regretting using the phrase “muscular intervention”.

I saw this post while I was at work (yes, yes, I should have been working), and I figured I’d write a fairly comprehensive response. However, it seems that North and Katherine have already made a lot of the points I was thinking about, and have made them far ore succinctly than I would have.

So let’s take a look at this paragraph:

To my mind, given our sense of being beholden and largely bereft of real national leadership, an avenue that both roots us in a past of which we are proud (a global role as peacekeepers) and provides a space for a discussion about a distinctive and independent future is one possible option that certainly contains enough of a break within its parameters such that there is a potential for a meaningful outcome, if not, to borrow from John McLaughlin, a “metaphysical certainty”.

I think this is a pretty accurate analysis of the political realty of this situation. In the comments of the original post, I was talking more about what I would like to see, not necessarily what could actually happen. So perhaps we do have to scale back our intervention right now, and go back to the traditional peacekeeping role; perhaps then – with any taint of the current situation removed – we can have a better discussion on where we want to go with our foreign policy.

However, if that’s the route the debate’s going to go, I think we do need people to make arguments for “muscular interventionism” (and I would define that pretty broadly), if only to lay the groundwork for future debates.

Further, I do not expect Stephen Harper and the Conservative party to articulate such a point of view (and do not think any of the other leaders will really do it either). I’m thinking that this philosophy would be advanced by pundits and advocates (if by anyone), so would probably have little traction in the coming debate.

However, putting all this aside, I completely agree that we need to have a real discussion about this and determine what principles guide us.

Thanks for fostering this discussion, Scott.

4 Katherine September 22, 2009 at 4:37 pm

Here’s an interview with Lt. General Romeo Dallaire on peacekeeping that’s relevant. He makes good points, and it’s obviously an issue that’s very close to his heart, but I still don’t see why intervention in Darfur would be likely to have any more success than intervention in Iraq.

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