Matthew Schmitz

I’m told that the original expression is “critique élogieuse”:

People say we can no longer write about our colleagues. Obviously it becomes difficult having a coffee with someone if that afternoon you have to write that he’s made a silly film. But the thing that has always distinguished Cahiers from the rest is our principle of laudatory criticism: if you like a film, you write about it; if you don’t like it, don’t bother with tearing it to pieces. One need only stick to this principle . . . the important thing is to lead the profession around to a new way of thinking about the cinema.

-Jean-Luc Godard, ‘Entretien,’ Cahiers du Cinema 138, December 1962.

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Damon Linker is a relative irrelevance. Any attempt by a significant figure to refute his glaring errors only serves to validate the bête noire role he has chosen for himself. Happily, I can point out why he is wrong without the risk of giving his arguments any oxygen. For I am even more irrelevant than he is.

Linker, if you are not familiar with his work, briefly rose to notoriety when he published a book savaging his former employers at First Things and unpersuasively claiming they were part of a theocratic conspiracy. The book had disappointing sales, and Linker’s name faded. Now, in a recently published interview with the Economist’s Democracy in America blog, he has made a very silly charge that he means to be very serious. He has accused home-schoolers of fomenting religious violence:

When evangelical homeschoolers treat social and political withdrawal as a preliminary step toward cleansing the nation as a whole of spiritual contaminants, it raises the spectre of theologically-inspired conflict and oppression.

This is a faddish opinion, I suppose, and the world of fashion is fueled by exaggeration and provocation, by the outre. Linker’s claim that religious people wish to “cleanse” the nation of “spiritual contaminants” is meant to invoke the rhetoric of the Third Reich. Perhaps some will be taken in by this lazy ploy. Others, though, will realize that every good citizen should hope for a better country but that is different — immensely different — from thinking violent means could help us achieve it.

In a pluralistic society, just what a better country is will be different to different people.  Most people (though perhaps not some progressives) will realize that perfection can’t be obtained. Religious Americans understand this. They see that our world is a vale of tears. They understand that all our efforts are tainted with sin but touched by grace. Thus, ours can only be an imperfect nation. Home-schoolers have noticed this imperfection and its particular manifestations in the American school system. Consequently, they have chosen to school their children at home.  That is all they have done, and I resist Linker’s conspiratorial, wild-eyed, Glenn-Beckian attempt to read more into the action than is really there.

I have real grounds for disagreement with many secularists and liberals, and I welcome the debates we will have as citizens of a democratic republic. I do not have real grounds for disagreement with Damon Linker. His arguments are red herrings, non sequiturs, and outright lies. Linker’s continuing efforts are not so much a problem for religious Americans as they are for secular ones. We religious conservatives are not concerned about Linker’s malign influence on the public debate. We do not assign him the secretive power and pernicious intent he assumes in his opponents. However, Damon Linker remains an embarrassing ally for his fellow secularists. Publications like the Economist should stop interviewing him in order to spare him the embarrassment of his misunderstanding and us the awkwardness of pointing it out.

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Political Leanings

by Matthew Schmitz on September 23, 2010

A recent study suggests that leaning right might, well, make you lean right. I don’t see a copy of the study online, but here’s the abstract:
A prominent metaphor in American politics associates left with liberals and right with conservatives. Three studies investigate the extent to which this metaphor not only shapes how people talk about politics, but how people think about politics. Participants who are oriented to their right report more conservative political attitudes, while those who are oriented toward their left report more liberal attitudes. This supports the notion that spatial metaphor is a key ingredient underlying abstract thinking even for important belief systems.
Via National Affairs.

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It’s fairly common to hear praise for low birthrates. We associate low fertility with high prosperity, more choices for women, and fewer obligations for men. Jason makes the point in a comment on a recent post:

Keep in mind, though, that countries with low birthrates tend strongly to be countries with high standards of living, high levels of education, and relatively equal treatment for women. A low birthrate is a sign of a society that has matured and that it cares about the autonomy and dignity of the individual. It is, in other words, a good thing.

Countries with high birthrates tend to be rather dismal, particularly if you’re female, but also even for the men.

This view makes some intuitive sense. If true, it would even provide a nice bit of consolation as we slide into demographic twilight. The problem is that it’s not supported by the data. A large cause of the low birth rates we now see across the west reflect “suppressed demand” for fertility created by government policies and work arrangements that force women to forgo the bearing and rearing of children.

The clearest demonstration of this fact came when Finland changed its family policies in the early 1980s. For two decades up to that point it had followed a roughly Swedish model that promoted government-run daycare and one-year work leaves for women. The problem with this system was that it made difficult for women to leave the workplace and take care of their children, essentially forcing them to re-enter after their 12 months were up.

The praise for this type of policy arrangement is particularly maddening when you look at some of its other little-discussed effects. Few realize Swedish women are disproportionately employed by the public sector, while the vast majority of men work in the private sector. This pattern of segregation happens to resemble the one that emerged during the twentieth century in some American locales where the government was the only employer that did not discriminate against black job applicants. A major cr0ss-country comparison of gender segregation in the workforce showed that Nordic countries like Sweden were as or more gender-segregated than China, Malaysia, and India, and were exceeded in gender segregation only by countries in the Middle East and North Africa. (Much to everyone’s surprise, the two OECD countries with the lowest levels of gender segregation were the U.S. and Canada.)

Gender Segregation in Sweden, graph from a paper by Ulla Bjornberg and Lillemor Dahlgren.

In addition to being employed disproportionately by the public sector, Swedish women are further clustered in the areas of education and care-giving. They are caring for the children of others instead of their own.

Finland modified this Swedish model by offering parents the additional option of receiving a Home Care Allowance (HCA), a taxable stipend they could use to either leave the workforce or else hire child care of their choosing. The stipend lasted for three years after the child’s birth, allowing many couples to space birth so that one parent (almost always the woman) would be able to leave the work force for a decade or more.

To the surprise of Finnish lawmakers, the HCA proved to be wildly popular. Two-thirds of eligible women signed up for the scheme initially, and by the 1990s, three quarters of all eligible women chose the HCA over Finland’s high-quality government-run daycare. Researcher Catherine Hakim (whose work introduced me to this data) draws the following conclusion:

The two pioneering homecare allowance schemes in Finalnad and France confirm that most mothers prefer to care for their young children themselves, and that financial considerations, rather than a strong personal commitment to paid work, are often the prime motivation for mothers’ return to employment soon after childbirth…  (Hakim, Work-Lifestyle Choices in the 21st-Century, pg. 234)

The other unanticipated result of the new Finnish program was an increase in fertility that gained momentum with the increase of the Home Care Allowancein 1987. With an increased menu of choices, Finnish women opted overwhelmingly for the one that allowed them to have and care for their own children. Finland and Norway (which adopted a similar model) have both seen a sustained increase in the number of women choosing to have a second, third or fourth child.

What Finland’s experience suggests is that when given the option, few people prefer the autonomy touted by some followers of the liberal tradition and instead prefer the ties that bind — the sacrifices and rewards involved in child-care and family life.

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Great Silence

by Matthew Schmitz on September 12, 2010


Question: Was Albert Einstein really the first person to say, “In the middle of difficulty lies opportunity”? Did he say it at all? We expect every great man to be a veritable squirrel stash of koans and kernels, instinctively prefer Churchill’s wit to Washington’s eloquent silence.

J.L. Wall points out in an excellent post that both The Sopranos and Mad Men play on the contradiction between stoic ideals and a therapeutic culture. Tony Soprano’s ideal is Gary Cooper, “the strong, silent type.” Don Draper, meanwhile, is supposed to represent how such a type fares in our contemporary world. Anyone who holds it in ends up on the psychiatrist’s couch. For now, at least, I’m hoping that Mad Men’s writers let Don triumph without or in spite of the help of the therapists. Which I guess is my way of saying that silence still has its value, and that I hope Einstein didn’t say what Phil Davison says he did.

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Russell Moore on Glenn Beck

by Matthew Schmitz September 1, 2010

One of the best responses to Glenn Beck’s bizarre rally last week was an eloquent warning from Southern Baptist Russell Moore about the proper place of politics in the lives of Christians: Satan did not mind surrendering his authority to Jesus. He didn’t mind a universe without pornography or Islam or abortion or nuclear weaponry. Satan did not mind Judeo-Christian values. He wasn’t worried about “revival” or “getting back to God.” What he opposes was the gospel of Christ crucified ...

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Erotic Capital

by Matthew Schmitz August 26, 2010

Tell you what, refraining from blogging is a lot easier than abstaining from beer. I haven’t been around these parts much, but I have had a rich and varied summer: Discussions of aesthetics with John Haldane and Anthony O’Hear. A seminar on marriage and parenthood with W. Bradford Wilcox. Jousting with Timothy Jost on abortion in health care. Trips to the sun-soaked shore with the League’s own David Schaengold and William Randolph Brafford. A reunion with old friends for our ...

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The Insignificance of Gavin Newsom’s Soda Ban

by Matthew Schmitz July 8, 2010

So San Francisco mayor Gavin Newsom has banned soft drinks on city property. Even on libertarian grounds, I don’t think this is at all objectionable. Newsom has not banned soda. He is not taxing it. He’s acting well within his power as the elected representative of the citizens of San Francisco in saying that it will not be sold on city property. The people of San Francisco have every right through their elected representatives  to refuse to sell certain things ...

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Preliminary notes on girl groups and the Sleigh Bells

by Matthew Schmitz July 8, 2010

There’s a breathless fragility in ’60s girl groups like the Shirelles, Crystals, and Ronettes that I find far more captivating than the polish of the Beatles or the swagger of the Rolling Stones. And I am captivated by the Sleigh Bells, who are, I think, the girl group for the age of Gossip Girl, in which high school means casual sex and hard drugs. Britain has been the center of the recent girl group revival, with big acts like Girls ...

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Does Europe Need US Defense Spending?

by Matthew Schmitz June 28, 2010

E.D. has a fine piece in NRO today that lays out the conservative case for cutting defense spending. One thing that actually weakens his case is the claim that Europe depends on US defense spending. If Europe relied solely on American might, we would have very good reasons to continue our security subsidy. But is Europe really so vulnerable? As Matt Yglesias has pointed out, the defense spending of our NATO allies is competitive with countries like China and Russia. ...

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Christopher Hitchens, Bitter Brit

by Matthew Schmitz June 15, 2010

Centuries have passed since British kings claimed a divine right, but British subjects still seem unable to accept the fact that their nominal rulers are human. Such, at least, seems to be the case with Christopher Hitchens in his recent attack on Prince Charles. Britain’s sovereigns are scandal-prone and soft-headed, sure. But read about Britain’s daily debauches, blinding stupidity and record promiscuity and one starts wondering whether the British have better royals than they deserve. Hitchens’ attack is centered on ...

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Architecture & Innovation

by Matthew Schmitz June 8, 2010

I thought some of the more future-oriented and techno-optimistic of the League’s readers would be interested in this argument: A durable and beautiful built environment provides the best physical and spatial context for human life, and thereby supports the different kinds of inventiveness and daring that modern life demands. The rest is here.

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Remembering The Pill

by Matthew Schmitz June 5, 2010

James Matthew Wilson takes a critical look at the anniversary of The Pill: [T]he only alternative to those technocratic solutions that, by definition, try to put decision outside the range of moral action and choice, is the alternative of cultivation: that tenuous self-government that requires a long memory, and an acceptance of our dependence on others and our fragility within the world of creation.  Contraception is not a consumer choice — it is certainly not a “lifestyle choice.”  It is, ...

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Learning from Poverty

by Matthew Schmitz May 25, 2010

Jason has helpfully reminded us why we should not romanticize locally grown, organic peasant food. But Design Observer has an excellent post on Indian craft that reminds us that we may have something to learn from the world’s poorest. Take, for example, the way India’s peasants — who have no time for idle leisure — decorate temporary huts made of dung in a way that gives them a dignity and individuality that is totally absent from most McMansions. Design Observer ...

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The Parable of the Banana Leaf

by Matthew Schmitz May 21, 2010

Mark asks a question: Take, for instance, the concept of “peasant food.” Such food is indubitably the outcome of tradition, and there is certainly something special about making it and eating it as a result, especially because of the skills that were required to develop it in the first place. But was it more sentimentally special when it was eaten almost exclusively by actual peasants because it was what they had to eat, or now, for the people who eat ...

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Counterfeit Communities

by Matthew Schmitz May 20, 2010

Jason’s piece has already inspired a number of responses, but one element I wanted to point out was Jason’s rather unexpected agreement with Patrick Deneen. Here’s the quotation from Deneen’s Cato Unbound piece that Jason highlighted a few days ago: [L]iberal anthropology… underlies both the Left’s infatuation with the State as an agent of liberation, as well as the Right’s embrace of the Market as the primary engine of human liberty. While seemingly opposed, both agents are understood to derive ...

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re: Liberaltarianism as a Disposition

by Matthew Schmitz May 19, 2010

On first glance, I see much less basic sympathy between liberals and libertarians than Jason does. American liberals — of the type embodied by Lyndon Johnson and Barack Obama — tend to be more concerned about guaranteeing the health, wealth and rights of the most vulnerable in society. Diverse, discordant, and unpredictable lifeplans? Not so much. Maybe Jason is thinking primarily of liberal rhetoric on culture-war issues. If so, that’s a fine point since those issues skew in all kinds ...

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Doubts about Ed Phelps’ Cowboy Capitalism

by Matthew Schmitz April 30, 2010

Jay Richards at the AEI blog is doing a series of posts about Ed Phelps’ old First Things essay about the morality of capitalism. I’m broadly supportive of Phelps’ project, but I think Richards’ reading is rather too sympathetic. The first thing that confused me about Phelps’ piece was his eccentric take on St. Augustine’s most famous phrase: I personally hold that the classical spirit of challenge and self-discovery is a fundamental human trait. By showing how the risk-taking activity ...

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Henry Adams’ Washington

by Matthew Schmitz April 19, 2010

Via Ross, Adam Irish argues for a vibrant and messy Washington DC. If only he had seen it in Henry Adams’ time: The want of barriers, of pavements, of forms; the looseness, the laziness; the indolent Southern drawl; the pigs in the streets… Needless to say, in post-9/11 DC there is no want of barriers, pavements and forms.

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Kaus for the Court!

by Matthew Schmitz April 12, 2010

My extreme long-shot replacement idea for John Paul Stevens is … Mickey Kaus! In one surprise move, Obama would have saved Barbara Boxer from a dark-horse primary threat and confounded all the partisans lining up for the confirmation battle. Having a blogger on the court would bring some kind of diversity, I suppose, and Kaus’ father was a justice on the California Supreme Court. The best thing? Freddie might even be called in to testify.

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Who’s Afraid of a Populist Party?

by Matthew Schmitz April 11, 2010

Could a populist political party be good for America? Jon Chait points to some fascinating data that suggests it would appeal to the views of many Americans: The most thorough breakdown of the electorate is Pew’s voter typology survey, last conducted in 2005, which categorizes voters into nine basic groups. The overwhelming finding of this research is that the components of both electoral coalitions are far less libertarian than their parties — the GOP coalition has a lot of hawkish ...

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