November 2011

Racism & Rumours of Racism

by Will Truman on November 30, 2011

I have found myself in multiple instances over the past week deflecting accusations of racism. This is a rather odd position for me to be in and a role I am not entirely comfortable with, to be perfectly honest. Mostly, because I believe racism to be a persistent presence in our society and my views on racism are actually rather centrist, tilting ever so slightly to the left. I could do a laundry list of my positions on various issues, but I will spare you that (unless someone wants me to demonstrate that I am not your prototypical southern hick). On the other hand, for a variety of reasons, I am perhaps a little more sympathetic to people to people who are racist or would be considered a racist by some. By “sympathetic” I don’t mean “I share their viewpoint” but rather “I don’t view them as inherently the scum of the earth.”

Broadly speaking, there are two views that I consider to be on the extremes of the issue.

The first is that racism is either something that no longer exists in any meaningful sense or something that can be ignored into oblivion. Anything short of a burning cross on a black family’s front lawn is not inherently racism, and we can actually add some nuance to that burning cross if we tried really hard (they didn’t put the cross in front of all black lawns, of course). As Christopher Priest once summarized, it’s only truly racism once every other possibility has been completely exhausted. And even a comment about black people or brown people or whatever doesn’t apply unless it’s clear that they are talking about all black people or brown people and/or that they wouldn’t say that if black people and/or brown people would simply behave the right way. Now, very few people will state all of the above, but talk to some folks long enough and you get the distinct feeling that this is where they are ultimately headed. Nearly any act of racism short of the KKK will be defended.

The second view is that racism is ever-present in white society and heavily influences white views on everything. And half of what white people say – particular conservatives – is code. When they talk about crime, they’re talking about black people. When they talk about good schools, they’re talking about the absence of black students. When they express concerns over welfare, they’re really wanting to deny help to black people. When they talk about excessive touchdown celebrations, they’re talking about black people stubbornly refusing to act like white people. When they talk about “that music” they’re talking about music created or inspired by black people. This would actually be an interesting line of inquiry and avenue of discussion, except that its presentation usually signals the end, rather than the beginning, of meaningful discussion. We can define racism broadly and recognize that some forms are incidental and accidental, or we can define it narrowly and determine it as morally disgusting. Unfortunately, the result is often the breadth of the first and the disgust of the latter. Racism becomes not something that good-minded people should be cognizant of when evaluating their views on something, but the determinant of who are the good guys and who are the bad guys.

Now, most conservatives don’t fall fully into the first category and most liberals do not fall fully into the second. But these are the ends of the spectrum to which I refer (there are people off the spectrum because either they believe that racism is good or they believe racism is merely a cudgel to win arguments, both of which I am ignoring at the moment).

On discussions of race, I actually fall at least slightly to the second side of the spectrum. I really don’t think racism is a thing of the past or relegated to some small subset of the population. I think it a part of the human condition that is at best resisted. This is especially true when race is an immediately visible signal for larger cultural issues.

However, in discussions of other issues, I fear that it often sidetracks conversations rather than really contributes to them. With the exception of expressly racial issues, or when someone brings up an expressly racist viewpoint in advancement of their cause, it tends to reduce a plethora of thoughts and motivations into something simple and, errr, black and white. It can reduce all other arguments to non-falsifiable racist “code.” And, in rendering counterarguments moot, can shut down the discussion. (And that’s when it’s not used cynically simply to discredit the guy you are arguing with.) There is value in pointing out racist arguments (someone who consistently refers to “Shaniqua and her seven kids” instead of “welfare recipients”), but it often transcends that into arguing that a particular position is racist, or that one side of the argument is infested with racists (which, oh-by-the-way, makes my argument the superior one).

Of course, none of this is not to say that there isn’t some value in expressly discussing race and another issue. Say, crime. This is what makes it so difficult. When it comes to, for instance, three strikes laws. The fact that most of the affected will be of one or two particular races is rather significant. The differences in sentencing of white defendants and black ones? Significant. In doing so, however, the conversation will (in my experience) shift from being one about race and crime into one primarily about race and racism with a context of crime. That does not, of course, make it a conversation not worth having. A while back I trotted out a study that demonstrated that a white ex-con was more likely to get a callback on dropping off a resume than a black without a criminal history dropping off an equivalent resume. What ensued was a discussion not about fair employment practices (which was fine, since I brought it up mostly for a race discussion anyway).

One of the things that makes this all so difficult is the convergence between race and other issues, most particularly culture. To look at immigration for a second, I believe that a whole lot of the opposition would persist if we were talking about 10+ million Russians, or Armenians, or virtually anything except Anglophonic Canadians. But we use cultural concerns, many of which are not inherently invalid, and chalk it up to race. This puts two issues under one banner and makes that one banner rather large. And then, for some, any other concern is disingenuous or code, and it becomes the racist side and the non-racist side. Yay.

But the culture questions creep into other issues as well. Ryan Bonneville’s post on Costas is a good point of this. Whites are frequently critical of the cultural norms of other whites and often do not hesitate in saying so. Maybe, if the NFL was still predominantly white, nobody would have any problem with choreographed touchdown celebrations. Or maybe they would. But the notion that general cultural criticism inherently ought to end at the race’s edge is highly problematic for a whole host of reasons. Not only can’t you single out minorities for criticism (which is not a bad policy!), but you can’t criticize behavior of anybody so long as the people you can’t criticize are doing it. If Costas had singled out black players, that would have been problematic. If he had singled out white players (essentially saying “don’t act like the black players”) I suspect that would not have gone over well, either. Criticizing both didn’t go over well. The behavior in question, by virtue of the fact that a lot of high profile minorities do it, apparently ought to be beyond reproach*.

As long as there are cultural issues between (in this case) black folks and white folks, and as long as there are differences in education, behavior, language, cultural norms, and so on, it becomes difficult or impossible to discuss a wide host of issues without there being oxygen-sucking racial implications. Since most people don’t like to consider themselves racist, even when they are they will latch on to other rationales. This is, of course, the danger of never bringing up race because you are letting them hide behind false reasons. In my experience, though, the best response to this is to go after the other reasons. Go after the reasons that non-racists might end up being in the racist camp. I did this on the immigration issue and discovered that a lot of the other reasons were typically quite genuine and sometimes quite valid (even if I never reach their conclusion).

So if it seems that I have lately been going to the bat for alleged racists, that is why.

* – Of course, you can argue “Hey, I’m just criticizing Costas like he is criticizing the players.” But the R-word, whether we like it or not, takes the criticism to a whole new level. Just as we can’t pretend away racism and assume colorblindness, we can’t assume away “that’s racist” as something less than serious accusation. It would be better if we had a word that was the equivalent harshness as “snobby, but in a racial context” but we do not, and I am not sure turning racist into that word is a remarkably good idea unless we come up with another word to replace racist on the seriousness scale.

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A Financial Marshall Plan

by Burt Likko on November 29, 2011

A collapse of the Eurozone would be a disaster of 1929-like proportions. But what’s for us in the United States to do about it? The Eurozone is a bigger economy than the USA, and there are a multiplicity of apparently competent technocrats running the show in the EU and its constituent nations confronting the problem. And the Europeans are sovereign nations of their own, so they have the ability, competence, and responsibility to keep their own house in order. So while the European debt crisis is everyone’s problem, it’s not our responsibility.

But does that have to be the case? From an editorial in Al-Jazeera, I see a call for the United States Federal Reserve to guarantee the sovereign debt of every nation in the Eurozone, because the ECB has demonstrated that it simply can’t do the job of keeping a lid on the already-boiling crisis:

…the Fed would be intervening in the European economy for the same reason as China did with the US – to sustain our domestic economy. If the eurozone collapses, there are no easy tools in the Fed’s bag of tricks that will allow it to quickly offset the negative impact on the US economy. It would make far more sense to act preemptively to prevent this disaster from happening. This can be seen as an essential part of its legal mandate to maintain full employment.

I’ll say this for the concept, it’s a bold notion, one guaranteed to frighten pretty much, well, everyone. The author is not insensitive to the political fallout in the Old World but unable to resist a poke:

Of course, this sort of intervention will look horrible from the standpoint of the eurozone countries. It will appear as though they cannot be trusted to manage their own central bank and deal with their own economic affairs.

Unfortunately, this is the case.

He seems less conscious about the fact that there would be both political and economic fallout here in the States. Our own government is exactly as incompetent as the Europeans’ when it comes to addressing the issue of domestic governmental debt — and indeed, while the steps in the dance are a little bit different here, the incompetence has the same origin and the same destination, which are a toddler-won’t-eat-his-broccoli type distaste for spending cuts blended with a fear of tax hikes, with the result of paralysis until a financial crisis is reached. The riots in the streets of Athens and the collapse of the government in Rome are omens of what will happen in Berlin, Paris, and ultimately Washington.

If the Fed guarantees the sovereign debt of Eurozone nations, will the Fed’s ability to guarantee the sovereign debt of the United States fall into question? Granted that the Fed is strong but ultimately what backs it up is the ability of the U.S. government to tax its own citizens and extract sufficient funds to service outstanding debt. There is no such ability in Europe — that power resides with the EU nations and not with the EU, the ECB, and certainly not with the Fed even if some sort of arrangement could get worked out — an arrangement that would ultimately result in a cession of European sovereignty to an organ of the U.S. government.

The author also argues, ultimately, for allowing inflation to take effect in Europe. And by extension, in the United States, where I continue to be mystified that we’ve had as little of it as we have. By all rights we should be in five or six percent inflation now. That’s not to say I’m not feeling some inflation; as a consumer I’ve begun really noticing that my money isn’t going as far as it did, say, about five years ago when The Wife and I relocated to California. Although actual experience has not been as bad as my fears, I can’t imagine how inflation wouldn’t accelerate, both in the EU and here, if the guarantor of the debts were extended this far and the combined US-EU economies were welded that much more closely together.

It’s a big, scary idea. And probably too bold and radical to actually be implemented. One wonders if the BRIC block could be invited to participate and a truly global financial guarantor might not emerge out of the crisis. It could be a substantial stabilizer of geopolitics — if it works.

 

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Monday Trivia #38

by Will Truman on November 28, 2011

The top thirteen states on this ranking are, in order: Hawaii, Arizona, Delaware, Rhode Island, Oklahoma, Nebraska, Idaho, Indiana, Colorado, Wyoming, Tennessee, Massachusetts, and then North Dakota.

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Holding Court At The Bottom

by Will Truman on November 23, 2011

Sheila Tone is a coblogger of mine over at Hit Coffee. Despite the fact that she doesn’t post very often, a not-insignificant part of my readership is there to read her and not me. She’s a family services lawyer that often serves the lower echelon of society and periodically writes about her work. She wrote a post the other day that got some attention, so I thought I would like to it here. It’s an open-letter to a client who is likely to permanently lose his kids to foster care:

In six months, dad, you’re probably going to lose your kids for good. I think you do suspect this, but won’t admit it to yourself. And you don’t want me to tell you why. They’ve been gone a year already, yet you don’t really want to know why.

I can tell this because you make it extremely unpleasant to interact with you. That is what scammers do. When you’re in a situation where you have some power, this may be very effective. It’s called bullying. People want to avoid the conflict, so maybe they get nervous and don’t scrutinize you appropriately, and your bad check or stolen credit card is accepted. Or maybe they give you the refund you want, even without the required receipt, so you’ll go away. But you are not in a one-on-one conflict. Your adversaries are not your equals, and they have very little duty toward you. You are fighting a court and a powerful government agency, backed closely by the police. Your arguments are worth nothing against that. And I’m your only friend in the fight. You shouldn’t want to make me avoid you.

Yet you make it miserable to talk with you, so I do the minimum. I’m just your lawyer; all I have to do is give you adequate legal advice and make sure you don’t get screwed legally. You decide what to do with that. Confronting you with stuff about yourself that you don’t want to hear, well, that goes beyond adequate. I didn’t have the energy or the time yesterday to deal with you arguing and yelling at me for an hour, which is the minimum it would have taken to have even a small chance of getting this through to you. So I’m in that gray area where I know I did my job, butI still feel bad because I know you’ll still fail. I don’t like my clients to lose, even when they’re assholes.

And that is the number one reason why the social worker will not recommend you getting your kids back and the court will follow that recommendation, regardless of what your lawyer argues at trial, regardless of what complaints about the system you have when you take the stand against your lawyer’s advice and ramble on over sustained objections. ( “Motion to strike after ‘Yes.’” “Sustained. SUSTAINED. That means the witness needs to STOP TALKING.” Bailiff approaches menacingly.)

One of the ongoing themes of Sheila’s work-related commentary involves a Dalrymplesque look at the lifestyles and habits of the poor. The degree to which they are confronted with a complex society that they are ill-equipped to navigate through. The degree to which they are their own worst enemies.

Before moving to where we are presently, my wife’s clientele was not all that different from Sheila’s. Residencies and Fellowships often focus on the underserved and those that otherwise can’t afford care. Struggling whites in the Mountain West, immigrants in the Southwest, and low-income urban whites and blacks in the Pacific Northwest. Her other gig was on a reservation. None of these groups were exactly the same, but with the exception of the Mormons in the first group and a lot of the second, one of the biggest things to overcome was often the patient himself or herself. The degree to which they would fall off the wall and expect someone else to be able to put them back together again.

Not that I can talk, of course. I smoke, I drink five soft drinks a day, and I avoid routine medical care (irony of ironies). But even I stopped smoking when I got pneumonia. I eat better when I’m sick to the stomach. I successfully lost weight. I avoid physical hazards. I find a way to stop scratching when I bleed. When I need to take care of myself, I know how. I don’t mean “someone told me how” (few aren’t at least told that things are bad), but I know because, coming from a stable environment, I can more easily pick out those things that are wrong, correct them, and internalize the cause-effect. I don’t come from an environment where I am behind no matter what I do.

That strikes me as significant.

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A Quick Theological Question

by Burt Likko on November 23, 2011

Asked with sincerity, not snark. To a Muslim, Islam is the “voluntary submission to God.” How is that different than the Christian concept of grace?

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Theocratic Quips Less Scary Than Advertised

by Burt Likko on November 22, 2011

I’m enjoying the process of deflagging quotes. Today, I came across an article on Slate describing what are portrayed as theocratic tendencies among Republican Presidential candidates. So without referencing the original Slate article with these quotes, see if you can match up the following statements to the following Presidential candidates competing for the Republican nomination: [click to continue…]

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The Front Lines of Rural Medicine

by Will Truman on November 22, 2011

{Every now and again, I have to “get out of my system” something that has been bothering me. I know the time has come because when, instead of just clearing the deck and writing a post about it, it starts slipping into whatever else I am talking or writing about. This will involve things of a somewhat personal nature, though I am trying to avoid it being a whinefest about our particular situation. The thing is that I think this has ramifications above and beyond our current circumstances and it speaks to some larger issues talked about round these parts.}

When people discuss the “doctor shortage,” there are few places it is felt more keenly than family practice and primary care in rural America. There is a shortage of primary care physicians in general. Because of this, primary care physicians have a lot more flexibility in where to live and where to practice than do a lot of people in a lot of other professions. With those options, comparatively few choose to serve rural places. In that regard, my wife is an exception. She specifically chose rural medicine as her focus and had dreams of running a full-spectrum practice in rural America.

This week, over Thanksgiving, my wife and I are due to have a discussion about what the future holds. We’ve termed it the “exit strategy” from her current job, which – on paper – was almost everything that she wanted.

Now, it’s difficult to entirely disentangle which of the problems we have are specific to this job, and which are intrinsic to the career focus that she chose and the state of modern rural medicine more generally. On the former score, there is a coldness between Clancy and her employer. There’s just no other way to put it. I’m not going to chew everybody’s ear off exposing all of the dirty details, but I do feel the need to mention it for context because we’ve past the point where we can sit down and work things out and the question is “rural medicine somewhere else” or “something else somewhere else”. Ultimately, however, while it’s hard for either side to remember it, everybody is in the same boat here. And that boat is on tumultuous waters.

The long and short of it is that I miss the days of residency, when we actually got time together. When it required less fingers and toes to count the days when she was on call rather than having a night “off”. When having only an hour to spend catching up with one another didn’t constitute “a good day.” When we actually got to watch television together. When we got to go beyond a 10-mile radius together because she wasn’t either on call or having to work either the day or early the next morning or on paperwork throughout. When it didn’t recall calling in ten favors so that she can go out of town and see a specialist. When more than one weekend a month was free or when the weekends that were free weren’t spent going through mountains of accumulated paperwork. When I didn’t feel guilty for telling her about my day or something interesting I read about because I was keeping her from said paperwork (or the brief unwinding between arrival and paperwork, assuming she’s not working at the office). When, from one year to the next, pay was going up slightly and work was constant or going down instead of pay going down and work going up. It’s been a hard couple of months, and last week we were informed that it’s about to get worse.

Whatever I will say about her employer, they’re not doing it to be mean or because they have stockholders to answer to. It wouldn’t surprise me if they were really doing the best they possibly can, under the circumstances. There aren’t enough doctors. The doctors that are around limit their scope of care because of malpractice liability, exhaustion, or (in one case) tax brackets. The doctors that haven’t limited their scope want to. My wife wants to do it all, but not all the time.

As far as small towns go, the town we live in is a pretty good one. It’s notably educated, within driving distance of great hunting and fishing (ahem, if you can find the time). The local schools are good. When we were originally looking for a place to land, it stood out as a place – though smaller than I would like – that I might be able to settle down in. I mention all of this because it should make this an easier place to recruit and retain doctors, as far as rural places go. There were other opportunities in less desirable places (hours and hours from the nearest town of any real size, less educated, less affluent) and I have to wonder if they will ever be filled.

A lot of people talk blithely about how “the medical establishment” (if they don’t know what they are talking about, they will say “the AMA”) artificially limits the number of doctors and limit what non-doctors can do in order to drive up salaries. Yet, when the rubber hits the road in the places of greater shortages, the supply-demand curve doesn’t work. The hospital can’t tell my wife or any of the other doctors “We need you, so we will pay you double what you could get in a more desirable place to live,” because the structure of payment schedules are determined by non-market forces (the government and the insurance oligopoly), it’s set up according to training and not according to need, and the market itself might not even suffer a hospital here to begin with. Those other places I refer to that are “less desirable” that we would need a massive pay bump to even consider? They pay less than her current job does. And in a more market-based system, a lot of these places simply wouldn’t be able to afford doctors at all unless there were such a glut of primary care physicians that they had to move out to the boondocks just to have a place to make a living. Even then, I am not sure it would work as advertised. On the other hand, having enough doctors out there might make the job more tolerable.

We can also talk about the medical cartel and their preventing of nurses and mid-level providers from doing the things a doctor can, but that itself doesn’t really apply out here. First, our area does make extensive use of MLPs. The problem is that even when an MLP is present, you still need doctors around (so they can’t go to out of town doctor appointments, or Walmart, for that matter). Also, MLPs themselves are hard to recruit to this area because they, too, have other options. So are nurses (my wife doesn’t have a nurse, for instance, she has a medical assistant). One invariable problem of being in rural America is that people who come here for jobs are often only one half of two-income households. Since my wife is a doctor, we can get by on one income, but it’s tougher for nurses and not easy for medical professionals to find other work for their spouses. Sitting around with the husbands of the rural-track doctors, most of us knew we were leaving our IT and engineering careers behind.

Here’s the part where I say, “What we need to do is…” but I am truly at a loss. A truly free-market system would likely result in the hospital being shuttered which would be disastrous for a an area larger than New Jersey. Government involvement as it has existed, on the other hand, has created a number of the problems it’s facing. This could be part of a greater commentary that the model of the remote small town is fatally flawed and would need to be abandoned, if it came to that, because they can’t easily support themselves and/or attract the people they need. Or we can just shrug and say “if it takes them two hours to get to the nearest emergency room and they die along the way, that’s the choice they made when they chose not to become city-dwellers.”

I am tempted to say “more doctors, more doctors, more doctors (pronto)”. I fear even “flood the market until they move out to the sticks” might not work because at some point doctors will create niches in the city rather than resign themselves to life out here or they will forgo medicine altogether and use their training for other pursuits (I’ve found myself wondering what my wife could do with her bio-chem degree and medical training outside of medicine, though she’s still committed to being a doctor). But if it did work it might lighten the burden and make the job more tolerable. It would also be costly and perhaps economically inefficient. Cutting down on the paperwork and making it more efficient would help (70% of her struggles to keep up involve paperwork) and so EMR, once implemented, could prove to be a godsend.

You can also try to tip the payscales. The PPACA actually works towards this end (as well as increasing residency slots for primary care docs). The state we live in also has an incentive program. But this is as much as anything biting around the edges. Even with the incentives, some city jobs would offer 50% more money (some over double, but we those are money factories that she doesn’t want any part of) and a lighter call schedule. The incentives in place don’t come anywhere near counter-balancing the overall income differential. Never mind the work schedule, which is the much bigger problem (at least for us – no complaints about the salary). So bribery is also out, unless we start really throwing money at it. Nationalize rural hospitals? The former libertarian in me shudders at the thought, but the Indian Health Service was never like this.

It’s also possible that most places aren’t this bad and that a lot of the problems involve mismanagement. This thought is tempting, given the cool relationship my wife has with her employer, but I’m really not sure it’s true.

One a personal level, my wife would work more “efficiently.” Instead of spending hours and hours monitoring a labor, she could just declare “c-section!” and be home in time for supper or to catch a little rest. She refuses to give in to that temptation (I do not exaggerate when I say that she is a model of integrity), but she’s anti-interventionist compared to most obstetrics. Other doctors, seeing more gray, might (and I suspect do) approach the situation differently. She does need to improve her paperwork processing skills, but it takes time to speed up and it’s hard to strategize when you’re exhausted all the time and when you’re stuck in a perpetual state of reaction.

Ultimately, though, the solution for us is the exit strategy and therefore likely becoming a part of the problem. She’s not going to give up medicine. It’s possible that we will even give rural medicine another go, if at the end we determine that it’s just a particularly bad fit with her employer. We don’t know when it’s going to happen. She doesn’t have time to read my blog, much less look for work or follow the potential leads we already have. We also have a five-figure exit penalty to account for. More than that, though, we don’t want to leave the hospital in the lurch. We don’t want to make the problems of her fellow doctors even worse. She wants to do the responsible thing, but the most responsible thing is never to leave and we’ve past the point where that’s even possible. All we can do is figure out the least-worst time to give notice and (months later) depart. And what happens after that.

But the problems we leave behind aren’t going to get any better.

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Monday Trivia #37

by Will Truman on November 21, 2011

Hello all. I will be taking over the Monday Trivia for at least a while. I do not expect to be as good as Burt at finding questions that are both difficult but answerable. I have a couple coming down the pipe, but this one may be answered pretty quickly:

George Washington, Franklin Roosevelt, and Richard Nixon all have something in common. What?

There is more than one criterion involved.

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Slow News Sunday Possibly Part Poodle Post

by Will Truman on November 21, 2011

Yes, the title is completely ripped off from Elias. Hopefully he does not mind.

Perhaps the greatest thing about dogs is how responsive they are when you are glum. They don’t have the slightest clue about what to do about it, but the effort alone helps. They make it impossible to feel that it is all bad.

Lisby is no different. We got her a year ago after much delay and trepidation, but she even won over my wife, who was – prior to meeting and befriending Lisby – not even remotely a dog person.

(Regarding the title, we don’t know what Lisby is. We think part poodle, though it could be schnauzer. Or both. She doesn’t shed. Here are a couple other pictures to give you an idea of the full hair growth cycle.)

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An Aspirational Quiz

by Burt Likko on November 20, 2011

Inspired by Tod Kelly’s claim that we U.S. Americans are really closer to one another politically than we think, following is a quiz. All remarks are taken from the speeches of either John McCain or Barack Obama accepting their respective parties’ nominations in 2008.

I picked these in part from Tod’s reference to the nominating speeches of Bush and Gore in 2000, thinking that a more recent statement would give us a better picture of where we are now, and in part because these speeches are aspirational, setting out promises and goals rather than actual achievements. Thus, they represent the best and most recent picture I could find of what the leaders of our two major parties think the public wants.

I tried to find statements from both candidates touching on similar subject matter areas of policy, and found education, national security, energy, and budget issues in common, as well as some generalized statements about the role of government in both. However, I promise you that I did not cherry-pick statements to make one or another of the candidates look good in retrospect — I was just looking for a representative sample of the aspirations of each candidate and try to provide an honest quiz. It was harder to find actual promises than I thought, as both speeches contained a great deal of emotional appeals, rhetorical fluff, biographical stories, and describing the problems facing “typical” individual Americans rather than anything that would actually set forth what the nominees were about in terms of policy.

I picked 40 quotes. I’ve set this up in a table format, so that you can print out the quiz and decide for yourself which of the two candidates took it. The table appears after the jump. The answers are in whited text (highlight to see). You’re on your honor to not reference the speeches themselves before answering. I think that if many people report their answers after honestly taking the quiz, we will get at least a clue as to the validity of Tod’s hypothesis that the the parties not all that far apart in terms of their public policy aspiratins. Good luck! [click to continue…]

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