Al Qaeda

Cheney

Jonathan Chait evidently also noticed former Vice President Cheney’s bizarre demand over the weekend that, in the wake of the Al-Awlaki killing, President Obama apologize for ever implying Cheney was wrong. Here’s what Cheney said:

They’ve agreed they need to be tough and aggressive in defending the nation and using some of the same techniques that the Bush administration did.

Chait tries to figure out just why it is Cheney sees the drone strike as vindication. He thinks it has to do with the neocon’s rigidly bipolar worldview, through which—in one of the many signs of the movements Marxist roots—all questions are reduced to an immovable dichotomy:

[According to neoconservative thinking] [k]illing terrorists is okay, but it’s a distraction. This is a war, and you fight wars by deploying armies in the field against states. That is the belief that drove the Bush administration to deem war against Iraq an essential part of the war on terror. […]

That was the nub of Bush’s worldview. The war on terror was a war, something fought with massed military power. If you were criticizing Bush’s approach from the left, you were in favor of weakness and surrender. If you criticized it from the right, you were in favor of a new land invasion. The neoconservatives genuinely seemed to believe that the strategic options lay along a linear scale, from soft to tough. By this way of thinking, Obama was accusing them of acting too tough.

And so, since he has killed a great many terrorists, Obama is now “tough,” and has therefore adopted the Bush–Cheney approach. Cheney’s bizarre misapprehension about the current administration simply reflects his failure to even conceive of the possibility that the fight against Al Qaeda might be waged, not just less, but better.

This is probably true to some degree, but I don’t think it explains what Cheney was really getting at. If you look back on the CNN exchange, this is how Cheney framed his previously controversial—now supposedly vindicated—actions:

“The thing I’m waiting for is for the administration to go back and correct something they said two years ago when they criticized us for ‘overreacting’ to the events of 9/11,” said Cheney. “They, in effect, said that we had walked away from our ideals, or taken policies contrary to our ideals when we had enhanced interrogation techniques.

“Now they clearly had moved in the direction of taking robust action when they feel it is justified. I say in this case I think it was, but I think they need to go back and reconsider what the president said when he was in Cairo,” he added.

While he talks about toughness and takes credit for initiating the drone strike program, you’ll note that Cheney’s whinge rotates around Obama’s description of what the former VP calls “enhanced interrogation”—and what the rest of the free-thinking world has long considered torture:

He said in his Cairo speech that he had — quote — banned torture. Well, we were never torturing anybody in the first place.

Keeping in mind that Cheney is focused on defending his decision to become a war criminal (and obsessive focus of his ever since he’s reentered the spotlight; it’s all about the legacy by this point, after all) what I think Cheney’s really upset about is the President’s unwillingness to credit his predecessors for their willingness to bend the law well past the breakage-point. Cheney, remember, is a man who thought the lesson of Watergate wasn’t about the dangers of an unrestrained Executive; he thought the lesson was the importance of shielding the President from Congressional inquiry. He’s a real believer in the idea of the strong, noble Great Leader doing whatever is necessary—even if it means breaking the weak and foolish laws of a democracy—to save the West from itself.

Knowing that many people are a little uncomfortable with the Constitutionality of the President’s having an American citizen killed, Cheney is demanding that Obama admit the truth—that sometimes in order to save the Constitution, you’ve gotta shred it.

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Anwar

Big news today in the war on terror struggle against terror-inclined individuals; according to US officials, Al Qaeda leader and American citizen Anwar al-Awlaki has been killed:

In a significant and dramatic strike in the campaign against Al Qaeda, the American-born preacher Anwar al-Awlaki, a leading figure in the group’s outpost in Yemen, was killed on Friday morning in the north of the country, according to the Defense Ministry here.

A ministry statement said that he was killed by Yemeni forces and that a number of his bodyguards also died. It was not clear if American intelligence forces, which have been pursuing Mr. Awlaki for months, were involved in the operation. There was no immediate comment from American officials.

A high-ranking Yemeni security official who spoke on condition of anonymity said that Mr. Awlaki was killed while traveling between Marib and al-Jawf provinces — areas known for having an Al Qaeda presence, where there is very little central government control. The official did not say how he was killed.

Mr. Awlaki’s name has been associated with many plots in the United States and elsewhere after individuals planning violence were drawn to his engaging lectures broadcast over the Internet.

While the killing of a top-ranking Al Qaeda member is usually treated as big news—somewhat absurdly, in my opinion, considering the whack-a-mole nature of operations against high-ranking Al Qaeda members and the fact that, often, the deceased was previously unknown to the public—Awlaki’s death is on another order of importance.

For one, it was clear for quite some time that the Administration viewed killing Awlaki as a major goal, seeing him as a high-level threat. The Times offers some perspective as to why:

[Awlaki is said to have influenced] Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan, the Army psychiatrist charged in the 2009 shootings at Fort Hood, Texas in which 13 people were killed; the young men who planned to attack Fort Dix, N.J.; and a 21-year-old British student who told the police she stabbed a member of Parliament after watching 100 hours of Awlaki videos. […]

Mr. Awlaki was accused of having connections to the Nigerian Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, a former engineering student at University College London, who is awaiting trial in the United States for his attempt to detonate explosives sewn into his underwear aboard Northwest Airlines Flight 253 as it landed in Detroit on Dec. 25, 2009. The bomb did not explode.

Mr. Awlaki has been linked to numerous plots against the United States, including the botched underwear bombing. He has taken to the Internet with stirring battle cries directed at young American Muslims. “Many of your scholars,” Mr. Awlaki warned last year, are “standing between you and your duty of jihad.”

But, of course, the reason Awlaki is something approaching a household name (at least as far as terrorists not named Bin Laden go) is because of the claims Obama asserted earlier in his Presidency as to his right to place Awlaki on a to-kill list, despite the latter’s being an American citizen. Indeed, this was probably one of the most consequential decisions Obama’s made thus far as President:

It is extremely rare, if not unprecedented, for an American to be approved for targeted killing, officials said. A former senior legal official in the administration of George W. Bush said he did not know of any American who was approved for targeted killing under the former president.

But the director of national intelligence, Dennis C. Blair, told a House hearing in February that such a step was possible. “We take direct actions against terrorists in the intelligence community,” he said. “If we think that direct action will involve killing an American, we get specific permission to do that.” He did not name Mr. Awlaki as a target. […]

As a general principle, international law permits the use of lethal force against individuals and groups that pose an imminent threat to a country, and officials said that was the standard used in adding names to the list of targets. In addition, Congress approved the use of military force against Al Qaeda after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. People on the target list are considered to be military enemies of the United States and therefore not subject to the ban on political assassination first approved by President Gerald R. Ford.

Here’s how Glenn Greenwald initially responded to the news over Twitter—shockingly, he was not thrilled:

Screen Shot 2011 09 30 at 6 51 56 AM

The key question resides in those last four words: “far from any battlefield.” Unless the citizen in the United States’ cross-hairs is on a battlefield the government simply cannot kill them without due process; Greenwald and others would, not unreasonably, argue that the definition of battlefield being used by the Administration here is wildly broad and nebulous. It could be expanded almost eternally if Washington so desires.

I’m sympathetic to this view, but I have to admit that—acknowledging Greenwald knows much, much more about this stuff than I do—I find the government’s claim to Yemen as a battlefield credible, if for no other reason than the mandate against terrorism and the technological capacities of the United States make it so.

In short, if one has a problem with this kind of action (and, in principle, I do) the issue is not Obama and the national security apparatus breaking or disregarding the law; rather, the problem is that the mandate given to President Bush and extended to President Obama is, simply put, absurdly wide-ranging.

Obama may claim to have ended the war on terror—but that was a P.R. move, plain-and-simple. The war on terror is far from ended; it rumbles onward further still. And as with any war, in time, it tramples on any and all societal norms and boundaries that keep it from its central gruesome goal.

Update: Since this post went online, Greenwald has put up his own, lengthier, response to the killing.

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