Matt Yglesias

New Labor Laws in Bangladesh

by Elias Isquith on May 13, 2013

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With the death-toll having passed four digits, it looks like the government of Bangladesh, responding to its people, has decided that at least in some cases it’s not OK for Bangladesh to have different safety laws than those in wealthy democracies:

Bangladesh’s government agreed Monday to allow the country’s garment workers to form trade unions without prior permission from factory owners, the latest response to a building collapse that killed more than 1,100 people and focused global attention on the industry’s hazardous conditions.

The Cabinet decision came a day after the government announced a plan to raise the minimum wage for garment workers, who are paid some of the lowest wages in the world to sew clothing bound for global retailers. Both moves are seen as a direct response to the April 24 collapse of an eight-story building housing five garment factories, the worst disaster in the history of the global garment industry. It’s worth noting that these changes don’t have any direct connection with the disaster, which itself wasn’t the consequence of a lack of safety laws so much as a lack of enforcement. But the fact that the government’s response to an unprecedented public outcry has been raising the minimum wage and allowing trade unions — two things Bangladeshi workers no doubt wanted before 1,100 of their colleagues perished — should tell you a lot about whether or not the capital-p People of Bangladesh decide their own working conditions. Excepting a rare moment after a world-historic tragedy, they don’t.

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Why Matt Yglesias Is Wrong About Bangladesh

by Elias Isquith on April 25, 2013

907920 bangladesh building collapse

If Matt Yglesias sneezes you can bet there’s going to be a chorus of left-of-center tweeters ready to unleash a tidal wave of vitriol and scorn. So go ahead and guess how ugly things got yesterday, and remain today, after he wrote this:

It’s very plausible that one reason American workplaces have gotten safer over the decades is that we now tend to outsource a lot of factory-explosion-risk to places like Bangladesh where 87 [since revised to 238] people just died in a building collapse.* This kind of consideration leads Erik Loomis to the conclusion that we need a unified global standard for safety, by which he does not mean that Bangladeshi levels of workplace safety should be implemented in the United States.

I think that’s wrong. Bangladesh may or may not need tougher workplace safety rules, but it’s entirely appropriate for Bangladesh to have different—and, indeed, lower—workplace safety standards than the United States.

If you don’t feel like guessing, here’s an example:

Being a talentless hack who makes money by shamelessly propagating the highly remunerative Washington neoliberal consensus is easy: anyone can do that, and regularly they take that *fistpump* to the bank. But inuring yourself to the horrific conditions in which many people live while justifying those conditions with an incoherent mishmash of social darwinism, willful ignorance of how colonialism led to the abject poverty of “third world” countries and an arrogant tone that would make Dawkins proud, well, that’s just a masterwork of callousness.

But tell us how you really feel!

More seriously, I also did not like Yglesias’s post — but not for the reasons I’m seeing cited by most of his critics; he’s racist, he hates poor people, he thinks it’s OK for people to die so his clothes can be cheaper, etc. All of that is far more a response to the social signalling inherent in Yglesias’s response, his lack of performative empathy, than it is to what he actually wrote. What he actually wrote is in fact rather banal.

Yglesias basically makes the usual argument about development, industrialization, and the tradeoffs necessary between equality, safety, and wealth. To cut to the heart of it, albeit somewhat crudely, you could repurpose the argument like so: Awful things happened to workers in America during the Industrial Revolution, but considering the skyrocketing wealth and standard of living that happened, too, it was overall for the best. That may be callous, flippant, and rationalist to a fault — but it’s not racist and it’s not a precursor to drinking a goblet of orphans’ blood.

While fending off assaults on Twitter, though, Yglesias made an argument that, to my eyes, undermines his whole position. His interlocutor, after commending Yglesias for not wanting to be a dog rapist (don’t ask; it’s Twitter), says, “[A]wesome, we’re achieving common ground. This is how consensus is built. Next up: unsafe worker conditions are bad everywhere.” To which Yglesias responds:

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The problem with this answer — and my more-libertarian readers are going to be amused to hear me, a liberal, say this — is that Yglesias assumes the laws of Bangladesh are the product of the whole Bangladeshi people, that the people who died in that disaster were involved in their country’s decision-making process just the same as the elites. This is nonsense. It’s arguable that no democracy, anywhere, is fair or true enough to accurately say it represents the will of its people, writ large. What’s less tenable is to claim that a developing nation — one in which institutions are dysfunctional enough to allow such a disaster to occur — is a land where the common people are autonomous and free.

Put simply, it’s really, really difficult for me to envision any scenario in which the people who died in that building’s collapse can accurately be said to have made their decision to work there on their own, without the presence of individual and systemic coercion. And as long as that coercion is in-place, it’s obtuse to talk of those dead in Bangladesh as anything other than victims of an immoral status quo.

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The Realm of the Political

by Elias Isquith on April 13, 2013

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To begin, allow me to quote myself:

That was a pretty popular tweet, at least by my standards. And when I wrote it I was thinking primarily about same-sex marriage, which is rapidly — and through no small amount of effort on the part of activists and Father Time — becoming the kind of thing that many people don’t see as having to do with politics at all. That’s a win for supporters of LGBTQ equality, even those who don’t particularly thrill to see the further embrace of what they see as an inherently conservative institution.

I must admit, though, that I think of this concept most often when pondering the arguments of those on the Right. And a new long-read from National Review’s Yuval Levin and Ramesh Ponnuru is something of a case-in-point.

Both Matt Yglesias and Kevin Drum do a fine job of disassembling Levin and Ponnuru’s plan, but I honestly don’t think it’s worth the time getting into, unless you’ve simply got a jones for health care policy arcana (an affliction I do not have and never will). The plan isn’t that different from Paul Ryan or Mitt Romney’s vision of America’s health care future. Less federally provided coverage, less taxes on the wealthy to pay for it, and a decent amount of magical thinking about how competition will clothe the naked, feed the hungry, and heal the sick.

What the plan doesn’t do is treat universal coverage as the end-goal of reform. This isn’t made explicit, because it’s a politically untenable position (“Die quickly” caught on for a reason), but it’s true. The conservative approach to health care privileges reducing costs over providing coverage. And in a way that’s fine. Sure, a lot of the handwringing over health care costs is simply handwringing over the prospect of having to pay more taxes to support the Baby Boomers; but someone has gotta worry about costs and just so long as we’re not talking warfare or upper-class tax cuts, that someone is the GOP.

As you can tell, however, I don’t really care about cost control. I think it’s a way overhyped concern that acts as something of a trojan horse for the weakening of the welfare state. (But like Floyd Gondolli says, that’s just me.) What I care about is the moral imperative, as I see it, for a wealthy nation to provide all its citizens with health care. I want a future where injury or disease isn’t a financial death knell; I want a future where people don’t need to worry about their health any more than they want to; I want universal coverage that’s as cheap for the patient as possible. That’s it. That’s the goal.

You could say a lot of things about my ideal. One thing you couldn’t say is that it’s the same as Ponnuru’s or Levin’s. Everything I’d focus on, the bleeding heart stuff, they’d rather not consider political in nature. For example, just as we don’t have long political debates over solutions to strangers acting passive-aggressive, seeing it as a problem government could not even begin to address, conservatives tend to argue as if providing full health care — not just insurance in the case of catastrophe — should not be a political concern.

Here’s how Drum puts it:

…about a third of the country, maybe more, just flatly can’t afford decent healthcare for their families. No amount of smooth talk about HSAs and tax treatment and catastrophic care will change that. So you can either pay for this coverage via tax dollars or you can let them go without, and chalk it up to nature red in tooth and claw.

Taking health care out of politics and putting it back into nature. That, in a phrase, is the GOP position on the issue. It’s similar to lefty attempts to take same-sex marriage out of the realm of the political — to make it an unimpeachable reality of society, too sacred to be sullied with debate and legislation. You could probably find better ways to explain American politics. But you could definitely do worse.

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This Is What Concern Trolling Looks Like

by Elias Isquith on May 5, 2012

 

 

 

 
 
When in doubt, talk about messaging!

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